•  Unveils cost-effective defence protocol with plans for modernisation; Office of Chief of Defence Staff abolished
• CDS Gen. Shavendra Silva’s request for extension turned down; his parting remarks draw sharp retort
• Major reshuffle in State and military intelligence set-ups; changes seen as part of President’s Clean Sri Lanka programme to purify governance and country’s social and environmental fabric

By Our Political Editor

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is making significant changes to Sri Lanka’s national security portfolio. His efforts aim to adapt existing mechanisms to the unique environment, meet present-day needs, and depoliticize the system.

The shift in threat perceptions underscores a significant evolution in national security priorities. With the defeat of Tiger guerrillas, it is logical for state intelligence agencies to pivot towards contemporary issues such as religious extremism, cybersecurity, and transnational crime, including drug smuggling. Monitoring for any resurgence of separatism remains crucial. Considering a re-evaluation of resource allocation can enhance efficiency and cost-effectiveness while still addressing the country’s security needs comprehensively. These adjustments reflect the dynamic nature of security threats and the necessity for adaptive strategies.

One of the key decisions President Dissanayake made is the elimination of the post of Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), which was held by General Shavendra Silva. This position, though useful during the separatist war that ended in May 2009, had become obsolete. It was the costliest office to sustain in the military. General Silva’s efforts to seek a further extension of service as CDS from the NPP government were turned down. He retired last Tuesday.

An overview of General Shavendra Silva’s career and his connections with then-President and earlier Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa is indeed revealing. He played a major role in this senior officer’s rise in the Army. In 2010, he was named Sri Lanka’s ambassador and deputy permanent representative to the United Nations in New York. The appointment was unprecedented for a serving officer in a foreign service confined mostly to career officers and a few political appointees. Even in neighbouring India, with the world’s fourth largest army that abided by time-honoured traditions, this has not been done. General Sam Manekshaw won the war in East Pakistan, forcing troops led by General A.A.K. ‘Tiger’ Niazi to surrender in December 1971. Then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi decorated this venerated soldier to the rank of Field Marshal for leading troops to victory. Such elevated titles were never canvassed or fought for and obtained by the officers there.

File photo: President Anura Kumara Dissanayake accompanied by security forces chiefs receiving the miltary honour guard during a visit to Defence Headquarters in Akuregoda in November last year

Gajaba connections

It is interesting to see how these connections and appointments locally have shaped the military leadership in Sri Lanka. Gen Silva was the first officer from the Gajaba Regiment, the establishment where Rajapaksa retired as a lieutenant colonel. It was then-President Maithripala Sirisena who promoted Shavendra Silva to the rank of lieutenant general in August 2019 and appointed him commander of the Army. The change of presidency to Gotabaya Rajapaksa in November 2019 saw him retain the services of Lt. Gen. Silva. In December 2020, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa promoted him to the rank of a four-star general. In addition to his duties, he was appointed acting Chief of Defence Staff (CDS). He worked in this capacity till May 31, 2022. He was asked by President Rajapaksa then to relinquish office on this date in the light of the incidents on May 9, 2022, where those engaged in the protests (aragalaya) were attacked.

The weeks ahead of the appointment as Commander of the Army was a diplomatic controversy between Sri Lanka and the United Nations. The world body threatened not to extend the tour of Sri Lankan troops deployed as peacekeepers in Lebanon if Gen. Silva was appointed. This was believed to be due to US pressure. Strong diplomatic lobbying overcame the situation. In 2020, the US State Department imposed sanctions on Gen. Silva, which prevents him and members of his family from visiting the United States.

During the COVID-19 epidemic, Rajapaksa placed all countermeasures, including vaccination, countrywide in the hands of Gen. Silva. He led troops to carry out the exercise. That demonstrated the key positions he was entrusted with time and again. Then-President Rajapaksa depended increasingly on the Army thus diminishing the role of the public service and related sectors.

Another example is how, on June 1, 2022, then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa promoted Vikum Liyanage to the rank of lieutenant general and appointed him as the 24th Commander of the Sri Lanka Army. The fact that he was also from the Gajaba Regiment demonstrated his preference towards the unit he served. Though not publicised, his alleged partiality was widely talked of among those in uniform. Lt. Gen. Liyanage also sought an extension of service, but the request was turned down by the NPP government. He also retired last Tuesday. Succeeding him as Commander of the Army is Lieutenant General Lasantha Rodrigo. He is from the Artillery Regiment. Also appointed was a new Commander of the Sri Lanka Navy, Vice Admiral Kanchana Bamunugoda.

There were also changes at Army Headquarters this week. Major General Sylvester Perera has been appointed as Military Secretary. Other appointments included Major General Nilantha Premarathne (Adjutant General), Brigadier Nalaka Malsinghe (Director Operations) and Major General Dinesh Udugama (Director General – General Staff). Major General R.K. Herath has relinquished office as Chief Signals Officer. A replacement is yet to be made.

Granting extensions of service to serving armed forces commanders by then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa also raised an issue. It stymied the promotional prospects of senior officers who were in the line of succession. A case in point is that of Air Vice Marshal (later promoted to Air Chief Marshal) Sudharshana Pathirana, as Commander of the Air Force. He was granted three annual extensions of service, thus disturbing the line of succession. One of those who was forced to retire, though a likely successor as commander, was Air Vice Marshal Prasantha Payoe. He was Chief of Staff and thus held the number two position.

Even the upward mobility of Air Vice Marshal Sampath Thuyacontha, who was then Director Training, was affected. He had to retire at 55. He is now secretary to the Ministry of Defence. President Dissanayake has now ruled that commanders, as a matter of policy, will be permitted to serve terms only until they reach the age of 56 years. Thereafter, they will be called upon to retire. He has also declared that those eligible for positions, except those debarred on disciplinary grounds or bad conduct, should not have their promotional prospects stymied. The terms of the two senior Army officers, as well as others in the top rungs, were granted extensions of service until December 31 by outgoing President Ranil Wickremesinghe. Most came in amidst previous extensions of service.

Gen. Silva, in a lengthy farewell message, later posted on his facebook account, catalogued the many positions he has won for himself and the many things he carried out. There were also claims that were factually disputable. The Sunday Times has translated into English the Sinhala version he delivered. Here are relevant extracts of what he said with my comments in italics:

“The public unrest that broke out in 2022 was a complicated time in my military career where I recognised who my true friends and enemies were. The Army of the State is the official armed force entrusted with safeguarding the lives of the people during an external or internal threat faced by that State. The 2022 struggle was an internal civil unrest. During this time, I ordered the Army to only use minimum force to control protestors. I did not wish for an innocent ordinary citizen to be killed by an Army bullet. I had no desire to wield my official authority to become a ruthless murderer of unarmed civilians.”

Gen. Silva’s official appointment as a Chief of Defence Staff is governed by the Chief of Defence Staff Act No. 35 of 2009. Among the 14 functions this law requires of a CDS is “to facilitate the preparation of operational plans for the armed forces and to coordinate the implementation of the same as between the armed forces.” The other tasks do not relate to operational matters. Ordering the Army, therefore, is the responsibility of the Commander.

Were any such measures undertaken with the Army or the tri-services to deal with the civil unrest? If so, were they utilised.

Moreover, to use military parlance “to aid civil power,” there are regulations of the Army, Navy and Air Force that lay down procedures. A highlight is the provision that relates to the use of minimum force.

Here was a situation where the Presidential Secretariat, the centre of power of a presidency, was occupied by protestors. There were both public and private properties destroyed. Ranil Wickremesinghe, who was then Prime Minister, tried to reach the CDS by telephone numerous times. There was no response. This was both before and after his own residence was set on fire. It was a case of arson, a serious offence. Whatever his political pursuits are, no one has the right to destroy a home.

It was the same Ranil Wickremesinghe, who was elected president by a vote in Parliament, who later brought the civil unrest under control. The occupied Presidential Secretariat was cleared. The temporary shelters in Galle Face Green were dismantled. Lengthy queues for fuel and cooking gas were ended. Not a drop of blood was shed, and not a bullet was fired by the military or the police. All this was bad news worldwide earlier and damaged the country’s reputation.

That begs answer to the question why Gen. Silva failed with the Army or in a tri-services effort to do the same thing. Is it because he “failed to recognise his true friends and enemies” then? Did he not fail in using his official authority? How did it become so “complicated” for him? One is reminded of the words of Martin Luther King: The ultimate tragedy is not the oppression and cruelty by the bad people but the silence over that by the good people.

“The result was that the country did not become a hell. I can show examples of how easily it could have been different by pointing to the negative consequences that have arisen by deploying the armed forces to crack down on civil unrest presently experienced in nearby countries. I had no vulgar and evil intent to betray the State as power-hungry rulers may claim. Nor did I have any low aspirations of becoming a cat’s paw of a foreign country or a pet of some foreign embassy. If this were the case, why would I deploy the Air Mobile Brigade to safely rescue the then Prime Minister, who was also the country’s Fifth Executive President, when his life was in danger after being trapped by the protestors? Why would I chase away protestors who came to set fire to the houses of politicians and save most of those houses?”

His definition of the country “not becoming a hell” is no doubt his opinion. If he chose to look at the media coverage the world over, how the life of the community was badly affected and was described as hell in a once reputed paradise. That is just one aspect.

Is it not hell when a citizen finds his mode of transport (buses and trains) services crippled? When they cannot prepare their meals due to non-availability of cooking gas? When they find kiosks and restaurants shut and no food available? When they cannot obtain their medicines because the pharmacies were closed?

Gen. Silva talks of “civil unrest presently experienced in nearby countries” to support his position and exhorts that “I had no vulgar and evil intent to betray the State as power-hungry rulers may claim. Nor did I have any low aspirations of becoming a cat’s paw of a foreign country or a pet of some foreign embassy.” This indeed is a very serious statement. Who are the power-hungry rulers whom he desisted? Since he has now spoken, it is nothing but right for him to disclose their identity. The rulers then were President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and his government. Is he referring to them? It is no secret that his relations with his Minister of Defence and Commander-in-Chief, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, were strained. These matters are being raised in the national interest, so the public is aware of the state of play behind the scenes during a crisis that affects them.

He is obviously alluding to the recent developments in Bangladesh to offer reasons to assert his position. Unlike in Sri Lanka, there was considerable violence there. At least a 1,000 or more died. His remarks about a foreign country and an embassy make an all-important revelation. Did a foreign country and/or an embassy make approaches to him over the events in the country? Did he keep higher political authority informed of this? Or did he choose to keep it a secret? He owes an explanation to his countrymen.

The events leading to what he calls the “safely rescue” of the Prime Minister (Mahinda Rajapaksa) by deploying the Air Mobile Brigade are indeed interesting. Only hours earlier, on May 9, 2022, Rajapaksa had resigned as Prime Minister. He was trapped in Temple Trees with his family for over twelve hours. He also made several calls to the military top brass, including the CDS, with little success. They were not answering their telephones. It was much later that he was able to get his message across, first to brother Gotabaya, for necessary action. That was how the CDS came to the picture.  It was Mahinda Rajapaksa’s own security personnel that held on protecting him till the late hours. He was evacuated by the Air Mobile Brigade only at the crack of dawn and driven to the Police Grounds in Bambalapitiya to board a helicopter. It flew him and his family to Trincomalee. They spent many days at the Navy Commander’s official bungalow.

A top-level conference of senior Army officers, held around 9.30 p.m. on May 9, 2022, when Temple Trees came under siege from protestors, is relevant. Then-President Gotabaya Rajapaksa ordered Gen. Shavendra Silva to open fire at those responsible for trying to break into Temple Trees. Those taking part heard the order being given. This, however, was not carried out. In this instance, it could be said in fairness to the CDS that a shoot-to-kill exercise would have changed the course of the history of the protests or Aragalaya.

“But the interpretation of the State’s rulers regarding the strategies I adopted during the Aragalaya period was disadvantageous to me. I was a four-star general, the second such officer to hold the position of Army Commander in the history of the country’s armed forces. I was transferred as the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) with effect from May 31, 2022, while there were still seven months left before my retirement. I had retired as Army Commander and was serving as CDS at the time President Gotabaya Rajapaksa was forced to flee the country. At the time it happened, I was participating in a conference in a foreign country with permission from the State.

“Recognising my discipline and law-abiding service, those who ruled the country from 2019 to 2022 appointed me as Sri Lanka’s Deputy Advisor on National Security. I was also appointed as the Chairman of the National Sports Selection Committee and the Head of Operations of the Presidential Task Force on Green Agriculture.”

Here again, General Silva has made a damning confession. When he notes that “the interpretation of State’s rulers“ regarding his strategies was disadvantageous to him. In other words, the higher command, the political leadership who were constitutionally the rulers, had disapproved of his actions. Hence, arguing against that position by pointing out the high positions he held does not absolve him. He also formally acknowledges in his farewell message that “President Gotabaya Rajapaksa was forced to flee the country.” He was his Minister of Defence and Commander in Chief. Here is the country’s topmost military officer unable to prevent his Commander-in-Chief by assuring or ensuring his safety.

This also recalls another important development that took place between May 9, 2022, when the protestors were attacked, and July 20, 2022, when Parliament elected Ranil Wickremesinghe as president.

During this period, the Sunday Times can reveal today that Gen. Silva met Ranil Wickremesinghe (then Premier) and called upon him to resign. “If I resign, you will have to resign too,” he retorted sarcastically. Does this not amount to insubordination? He was appointed Prime Minister by then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

Gen. Silva summed up his farewell message with the following remarks: “During my military career, I was awarded the Uththama Seva Padakkama for completing 15 years of service with exemplary conduct and an unblemished record, the rarely awarded Vishista Seva Vibhushana Medal for completing 25 years of loyal service and possessing an unblemished record. I was also the recipient of the Weera Wickrama Vibhushanaya, Rana Wickrama Padakkama and Rana Sura Padakkama awarded for bravery on the battlefield.

“During my 41 years of military service, I am fortunate to have become the most decorated military officer in all three branches of the armed forces. When I end my military career and go home after hanging up my jacket, I will leave all my honours and accolades behind on the tomb of the fallen soldiers as a tribute to their sacrifice.”

During his farewell message, Gen. Silva also declared, “Making use of my personal contacts with the UN, I was able to obtain opportunities for Sri Lankan armed forces personnel to serve as UN peacekeepers. That helped to gain a large amount of foreign remittance to Sri Lanka. The adverse publicity on Sri Lankan soldiers was cleared through this.”

The credit for finding Sri Lankan troop placements in the United Nations peacekeeping should go to a former Army Commander, Lt. Gen. Lionel Balagalle. He developed an interest in the subject after learning from his son, Lakmal, who was attached to the security staff of the UN headquarters in New York. Lt Gen Balagalle was helped in the exercise by Rohan Perera, then Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative at the United Nations in New York. All records pertaining to this can be easily verified. They are available at Army Headquarters. The first Sri Lankan Army contingent to involve themselves in peacekeeping was in 1950 in Congo. For years thereafter, there was no role for them.

Board of Inquiry

Before Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s humiliating exit from the country, there was a probe he initiated. One of his primary concerns was the mob attack on his private residence at Pangiriwatte Road in Mirihana, Nugegoda, on March 5, 2022. So, he named three top military officers fiercely loyal to him to a Board of Inquiry. It was headed by Admiral of the Fleet Wasantha Karannagoda and included General Daya Ratnayake and Marshal of the Air Force Roshan Goonetilleke.This was reported exclusively in the Sunday Times of March 5, 2023.

This Board made a string of allegations against General Shavindra Silva, both in his capacity as acting Chief of Defence Staff and Commander of the Army. It said that he had failed to rush Army reinforcements to Mirihana (Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s private residence) despite having a contingency plan, whereas the Navy and Air Force Commanders acted promptly on the instructions of the Secretary of Defence. Here are some highlights:

=   He had disregarded repeated instructions from HE the President and the Secretary of Defence to take action to prevent damage to property and people being harmed near Beira Lake at Navam Mawatha in the afternoon and to clear the mob along the Galle road in front of Temple Trees in spite of having over 4,500, including five battalions from the elite Air Mobile Brigade, Special Forces, and Commandos, stationed in different locations within Colombo City limits.

=   He could have easily dispatched the contingent of troops that was sent around 0200 hours on the 10th morning to clear the Galle Road much earlier, thus preventing the tense situation inside Temple Trees that created anxiety among the Prime Minister and others who were trapped inside.

=   Trying to justify his actions through media by giving an interview (to a newspaper) on 29th May 2022, knowing very well that there is a BOI already appointed to investigate the incidents, thereby undermining the purpose of the BOI.

=   For what purpose were over 4,500 troops of the Air Mobile Brigade, Special Forces and Commandos brought by him to Colombo and not deployed on time to save the Prime Minister, his family and others who were trapped inside Temple Trees?

=   The same elite troops were not used to quell the mob violence effectively in other areas in and around Colombo.

The Board of Inquiry has called for further investigations into the conduct of General Shavendra Silva. By hindsight, the report of this Board of Inquiry and other related developments make clear that all was not well between the CDS and then Secretary to the Ministry of Defence, Kamal Gunaratne. Sources close to former CDS said that the reference by Gen. Silva learning whom his friends and enemies were had been directed at then Defence Secretary. This, however, could not be independently verified. At the end, it was then-President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s own mechanisms that had reacted against him during a national crisis. As a retired lieutenant colonel, his handling of the military establishment was less than professional. Politics had sunk in too deep into the system and corroded it —a lesson which any government of the future should avoid.

Sweeping shifts in intelligence sector

Besides the changes in the armed forces, the NPP government has also made some sweeping shifts in the intelligence sector. A new Chief of National Intelligence (CNI) named last week is retired Major General Ruwan Wanigasooriya. He takes over from Major General (retd.) Ruwan Kulatunga, whose term ended on December 31, last year.

Maj. Gen. (retd.) Wanigasooriya was director of Shan Teas Private Limited before he took over the new appointment. He was trained at the US Army Command and Staff College, Fort Leavenworth, Texas. There he received a master’s degree in military art and science. He also holds a master’s degree from the Sir John Kotelawala Defence University in Defence Management. The post of CNI has always been held by a retired officer, mostly from the Army. The only exception was retired DIG (CID) Sisira Mendis.

There have also been changes in the premier intelligence apparatus in the country, the State Intelligence Service (SIS). Replacing Major General Tuan Suresh Sallay, a trained officer and the first from outside the Police to hold the position as director, is Dhammika Priyantha, Deputy Inspector General of Police. An officer renowned for his high integrity and has won acclaim as an expert investigator. This change took place in October, last year. He once served as Director of the Financial Crimes Investigation Division (FCID). This division, which functioned as a standalone unit, was shut down after allegations that an officer there had sold statements and other valuable information disseminated through investigations to interested parties for big money. Its functions were brought under the Criminal Investigation Department (CID).

There has also been a string of changes in the Directorate of Military Intelligence. Its director, Brigadier Chandika Mahatanthilaka, has been transferred to II Division. He has been appointed Project Officer. This officer had the distinction of being a survivor during the Tiger guerrilla attack on the Elephant Pass military complex in April 2000, where all communications were cut off. Using an encrypted Cougar communication set from a hidden location, he had successfully communicated with a military unit outside his location. He has been commended for his service at that time.

Taking over as Director of Military Intelligence is Brigadier Deeptha Ariyasena. He is an officer from the Army’s Mechanised Infantry.  Other changes at the DMI include the transfer of Colonel Senaka Muthukumara, who oversaw the Technical Division, to the Regimental Centre, MI. He is yet to be given a substantial appointment. Others include Colonel M. Anzar, Deputy Commandant, assigned to the Regimental Centre, MI, and Lieutenant Colonel Ajantha Thilakarathne, Staff Officer 1. He is tipped to go on a UN assignment. Colonel Prabath Bulathwatte, G 1 Operations, is attached to the Regimental Centre of the MI and is yet to be given a substantial appointment.

Intelligence services within a government play a crucial role in national security, strategic decision-making, and maintaining stability. While their successes often remain under the radar, their impact is significant. Over the years, they have turned out to be professional outfits. The military defeat of Tiger guerrillas was possible due to efficient intelligence outfits that operated hand in hand with their foreign counterparts. It is unfortunate when such powerful institutions are misused for political purposes by some political leaders, as this can undermine their integrity and effectiveness. It is incumbent on the government to ensure professionalism is maintained in the intelligence services which form their eyes and ears.

The changes in both the SIS and the MI have a direct impact on national security. With no CDS, the centralisation of the armed forces will come under the supervision of the Minister of State for Defence, retired Major General Aruna Jayasekera. This clearly means that the NPP government is yet to review the fuller picture in the defence and security sector.

Clean Sri Lanka initiative

In this regard, the “Clean Sri Lanka” initiative, which President Anura Kumara Dissanayake inaugurated on New Year’s Day, is a significant step towards addressing deep-rooted issues in the country. This project aims to create a morally and environmentally sustainable nation. It goes beyond just cleaning up the environment; it seeks to restore the social and environmental fabric of Sri Lanka. The success of this initiative heavily relies on the active participation of the public. It is a challenging task, but with commitment and collective effort, transformative change is possible.

During his speech to mark the event held at the Presidential Secretariat, President Dissanayake also referred to security aspects and the need to fight corruption. He remarked that “Our country has also faced various security threats over the years. It is with great confidence that we can now assure our citizens of a robust and secure national defence. Last year, reports surfaced regarding a potential attack centered on Arugam Bay.

“Our police, intelligence services, and armed forces acted decisively to maintain the nation’s security and instill public trust. We have also begun systematically reinstating the rule of law, which had been neglected for far too long. In the past, criminals, corrupt individuals, and even political authorities operated above the law, disregarding constitutional principles. In some instances, former presidents were found guilty of constitutional violations by the Supreme Court. In such a context, the rule of law had become merely an abstract notion.

“To re-establish and strengthen the rule of law, we are making significant efforts. Our country has been plagued by widespread corruption, malpractice, and inefficiency within the state apparatus, political institutions, and society. Corruption has become a malignant cancer spreading throughout our nation, and eliminating it requires a tremendous collective effort. The Attorney General’s Department has a critical role to play in this endeavour, and I trust they will perform their duties with the necessary diligence and support.

“Similarly, institutions such as the Criminal Investigation Department and the judiciary bear the principal responsibility for transforming our country into one free from corruption and fraud. We believe these institutions will act with the dedication required to achieve this transformation. As political leaders, we are committed to setting an example through both our words and actions. However, leadership and intervention from the political sphere alone will not suffice. Relevant state institutions must understand their responsibilities and contribute actively to this process of change. Therefore, I call upon all relevant institutions and officials to provide their unwavering support…”

President Dissanayake’s efforts to depoliticise the security forces are indeed a significant shift. The scrapping of the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) office is part of a broader strategy to streamline and modernize the defence structure. The focus on removing political influence from the security forces aims to enhance their efficiency and integrity. It is a bold move, and only time will tell how effective these changes will be. But the intention is to create a more professional and unbiased defence system, which has been a long-standing need.