“The Father of Socialism in Ceylon”

(Excerpted from NM – in his own words; as seen by others Edited by Prof. Colvin Goonaratna)

In a very real sense, Philip was the father of scientific socialism in Ceylon. It is true that at the ultimate stage of his life, he faltered and almost rejected his own political origins. But this cannot retract from the great contribution he made to the socialist movement in Ceylon. Literally, the formation of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party he inspired led the movement that became the strongest mass Trotskyist movement in the world. He came to Ceylon after an exciting and eventful career In the United States and in the West European countries.

He was a member of the Communist Party in England. He gradually moved away from Stalinism, and became a member of the left opposition in the Communist movement. He was fascinated by the profound criticism of the regime of Stalin by Trotsky, and accepted the leadership of Trotsky. He was instrumental in forming in England the Trotskyite group among the Ceylonese. It was this group which later founded the Sama Samaja Party in Ceylon.

Even in England, he was a force to be reckoned with. Hyde Park Corner used to reverberate with his thunderous voice. He threw himself wholeheartedly into the strong anti-imperialist movement that raged in England during this period. He collaborated closely with Krishna Menon in the activities of the India League. With all his active political work, he never relaxed his reading habit. I often met him at the British Museum browsing over books.

He had much difficulty in coming back to his homeland. The British Government no doubt inspired by the colonial set-up here put every obstacle in the way of his return to Ceylon. Eventually, he did succeed in reaching Ceylon early in 1932. I believe Colvin came thereabouts; Leslie a few months later.

But I returned only in 1933 September. Already, by the time I reached Ceylon, political work had been set on foot by Philip with his customary energy. A number of meetings had been conducted, moribund youth leagues had been resuscitated, and all manner of people had been canvassed to enlist support for the anti-imperialist struggle.

Philip had sufficient realism to understand that at this early stage, it was necessary to get the broad sympathy of all those to whom the independence of Ceylon was dear. Men in various walks of life, men who held divergent views on politics, but men who showed by their speeches or their actions that they were dissatisfied with the colonial set-up were all visited and urged to lend their support to the cause of independence. He was not averse to meet Mr. A. E. Goonesinha. With equal alacrity, he met Mr. Goonesinha’s opposite, Mr. R.Saravanamuttu.

We started the ‘Kamkaruwa’ paper. It did not sell at all. This is not surprising. Indeed, we were speaking a new language to the people. When Philip came on the scene, politics was still the prerogative of the educated and the rich. The common man had no place in the political life of the country. Most public meetings were held not in Sinhala, but in English. Almost all the so-called political leaders spoke to a select few who attended the meetings, in English. The capitalist press ignored us completely. We were not even worth a derisive comment.

Philip was not discouraged. Every conceivable opportunity was taken to get across the anti-imperialist message to the people. With rare courage, Philip chased after the Jayatilake-Senanayake combination and held meetings in the wake of the Reformist gatherings. Philip found in (his brother) Robert an able lieutenant, I may borrow an analogy from the Army. Philip was the Chief of Staff and Robert the General in the field. This collaboration worked effectively for a long time until the break took place in 1952 between the brothers.

The Suriya Mal Movement gave a rare opportunity to flood the country with anti-imperialist literature and meetings Philip was in his real element. In these early days, the very thunderous voice of Philip was an attraction and people came to listen to him for the pleasure of harkening to his voice. I am sure they went away galvanized by the dynamism of the man and the sincerity of his thoughts and feelings.

By this time we had also started building up trade unions. History will no doubt accord to him his rightful place in the political life of this country. In the years to come when lesser mortals like us have played their evanescent part and vanished into the limbo of the forgotten, a grateful socialist Ceylon will remember him with pride and place him on the worthy pedestal due to him.

The first break came with the strike of the workers of the Wellawatte Spinning and Weaving Mills. Motor workers, then scattered under different bus Mudalalis, peasant organizations particularly of the Hewagam Korale, in all these, Philip was the directing force. His advice and guidance were invaluable. His judgment was almost uncanny in its correctness.

Towards the end of 1934, the whole country was plunged into a malaria epidemic of unprecedented proportions. Thousands and thousands of people died. This epidemic disclosed the terrific apathy of the bureaucratic machine, the callousness of those at the helm of affairs, and the dire poverty consequent to the great depression of 1930. The Suriya Mal Movement went into action. We collected volunteers, distributed foodstuffs, clothes, and medicine in all affected areas. Harrowing tales of the poverty and the sufferings of the people kept ringing in our ears.

In this campaign, Philip, as usual, was the dynamo of activity. A special tribute must be paid to the work done by Dr. S. A. Wickramasinghe during this epidemic. With the termination of the anti-malaria work of the Suriya Mal stalwarts, this group of young political enthusiasts led by Philip was ready to launch the political party. On December 17, 1935, the Lanka Samasamaja Party was officially launched. With characteristic ability he pushed forward Colvin as the President, but we were only too conscious of the fact that Philip was the leader of the movement.

I would here like to place on clear record that were it not for Philip, I would never have contested the Ruwanwella seat. Were it not also for the constant encouragement and help that I received from Philip and Robert, Ruwanwella could never have been won by me at this first election in 1936. Philip fought Avissawella. I fought Ruwanwella. Both of us won. Dr. Wickramasinghe re-contested Morawaka and lost. So did Leslie Goonewardene who fought Panadura for the first time against Susantha de Fonseka.

We were the two Samasamajists of the Second State Council and we were affectionately or otherwise dubbed the political Siamese twins. We worked together harmoniously till 1954 when Philip decided to break away from the re-organized and re-united LSSP and thus were put asunder nearly 20 years of close personal friendship.

More than one article is required to speak of Philip and his activities. I hope, someday, I will be spared the time to do justice to Philip. We became the terrible twins and the scourge of the Jayatilakas and Senanayakes . We fought them not only in the House but also outside. With the help of the colonial bureaucracy, they tried to silence me. They locked us up in jail on April 17, 1940, Philip, Colvin, Edmund and myself. Leslie they were never able to find.

When the Japanese bombed Ceylon, our plans to break jail had matured. In this escape, Robert Gunawardane, Doric de Souza and the late Reggie Senanayake played key roles. We hid for some time in Colombo and eventually Philip and I escaped to India. We lived for some time there before we were caught. I earned sufficiently as Secretary to a Bank to keep some of the other comrades going.

Eventually, we were traced and followed. One night, I took train to Ahamedabad to join Rabindranath Tagore, and escaped the vigilance of the Police. Philip took over my flat as his own flat was no longer safe. But that very night, Police raided my flat and took Philip into custody. I was traced to Ahamedabad and was caught before I could get to Tagore. We spent about six months in Indian gaols together. Then we were brought back to Ceylon, tried for breaking jail and sentenced to six months’ rigorous imprisonment. Both of us husked coconuts in jail, and learnt to rattan chairs.

At the end of our term of imprisonment we joined the other comrades in Badulla detention camp. We were released from Badulla in August 1945. Unfortunately, when we came out of jail dissension had crept into the Party and it was divided into two. Various efforts were made to bring the two sections together. Eventually in 1954, we succeeded in re-combining our forces, but then Philip fell out.

He took a turn which led him to the formation of a new organization called the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna, which subsequently joined forces with Mr. S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, and contested the elections of 1956 as one United Front. From 1956 our paths diverged and our estrangement grew wider.

With the defeat of this coalition in the elections of March 1965, Philip joined hands with Mr. Dudley Senanayake and became the Minister of Industries in that Cabinet. During the period 1965-1970, erstwhile friends of 20 years became almost bitter enemies, many harsh words were spoken both by me and by him.

I am sure he has forgotten and forgiven as I have done. I will always remember him as the firm friend who created the Socialist movement in Ceylon. It is this image of the implacable foe of exploitation, the arch enemy of imperialism, the great protagonist of a new social order, that Philip will continue to abide in our memory for all time.