Columns

• Disappointed businessmen demand their donations back; party secretary says they should ask the person to whom they gave them
• Lawyers’ caucus furious over National List distribution; its former head Upul Jayasuriya questions party leader
• Amid criticism over Premadasa’s leadership, moves are underway for SJB-UNP reunification despite reservations over Ranil’s ‘machinations’
• Govt. elated over US$3.7 billion Sinopec deal but fails to explain why it was downsized from the US$4.5 billion the previous Govt. had secured
•  

By Our Political Editor

The Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB), the main opposition in Parliament, is in the throes of a crisis, one more severe than issues that affect just a hundred-day-old National People’s Power (NPP) government.

What has weighed in heavily on its woes are strong allegations that an advisor to the party had made millions of rupees promising placements in the national list for wealthy businessmen. An exceptionally rich rice merchant from the Polonnaruwa district had alleged that he paid a staggering Rs 500 million to secure a seat. His story leaked when he failed to secure a seat. His name appeared on the SJB National list. Later he complained to a senior party official. He had curtly pointed out to him that he had no such money and could not therefore make any comments. He had advised the businessman to ask for a return of the money from the person to whom he gave it.

Another to complain about handing in money to secure a parliamentary seat is a businessman from the Kalutara district. He has, however, not specified the am ount paid except to claim that it was a “large sum.” This MP aspirant was earlier associated closely with a cabinet minister of the Yahapalana or good governance administration. He once served as the head of a state body dealing with the medical sector. The first story of payoffs to become MPs was to emerge from this businessman.

President Dissanayake received a warm welcome from Chinese President Xi Jinping in Beijing this week

SJB General Secretary Ranjith Madduma Bandara denied that the party had received any such funds. “As far as I am aware, no such funds were received either by our leader or by me for any of the 29 names we put forward in the National List,” he said. He was, of course, commenting on the funds formally reaching the party. The allegations that have emerged are over the money going into the pockets of a party associate, who has been at the centre of a controversy involving the party. Now, an influential section of the SJB wants to write to party leader Sajith Premadasa, asking him to conduct a formal inquiry.

For Premadasa, who has been at the butt end of criticism in the party over his role as leader, the issue could not have come at a worse moment, like this week. He was the focus at a three-and-a-half-hour-long meeting of the party’s Working Committee, the party’s main policy-making body, on Thursday evening. What played out highlighted the state of affairs in the country’s main opposition.

The first to raise issue was Upul Jayasuriya, a President’s Counsel. He asked when the last Working Committee meeting was held. Premadasa, who chaired, replied somewhat embarrassingly in Sinhala that “it was in March, last year. That is my fault; I apologise. I should have held those meetings.” The next question was whether any decision-making body in the party (meaning the Working Committee or the Management Committee) took a decision to sign memoranda of understanding with the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), the All Ceylon Makkal Congress (ACMC), and the Democratic People’s Front (DPF). There was stoic silence. Coming to the aid of Premadasa was General Secretary Madduma Bandara. He said that Premadasa, as leader, had made the decision in good faith and in the best interest of the party. Hence it would not be fair to make accusations against him.

Jayasuriya, who represented the SJB’s lawyers’ caucus, was one of those left out of being named as a National List MP. Caucus members were infuriated at leader Premadasa picking on a onetime United National Party (UNP) politician as an SJB national list parliamentarian. Based on the results of the parliamentary election, the SJB received five national list slots. At first, Premadasa named General Secretary Madduma Bandara to and left the other four positions vacant for weeks. He was in a dilemma over whom to nominate, leaving party members puzzled over the delay.

The reasons behind the move came to light only after SLMC leader Rauff Hakeem moved the Colombo District Court, seeking an order that the SJB leader (Premadasa) appoint his party nominee and SLMC General Secretary Nizam Kariapper to a National List slot when filling the remaining vacancies. The SLMC leader had cited a memorandum of understanding he had signed with Premadasa on behalf of the SJB. It soon transpired that Premadasa had not only signed an MoU with the SLMC but also with the All Ceylon Makkal Congress (ACMC) and the Democratic People’s Front (DPF). Until then, most SJBers were unaware of the MoUs. Moreover, Premadasa had told rallies he addressed during the parliamentary elections that he had not signed any deals with anyone. Thus, Premadasa ended up nominating Nizam Kariapper (SLMC), Muthu Mohamed Ismail (ACMC), and Mano Ganesan (DPF). The latter contested the parliamentary elections from the Colombo district but lost.

Besides naming representatives of the three partner parties, Premadasa also named a one-time UNP member for the remaining slot in the National List. This was after the nominee had agreed to back down from a reported arrangement where he was to lead the group of SJB candidates for the Kandy district at the November parliamentary elections. The move left some of the top contenders from the SJB disappointed. They included SJB chairman Imtiaz Bakeer Markar, who was persuaded not to contest the Kalutara district, former cabinet minister Lakshman Kiriella, who was recommended by the Maha Nayake Theras, and Hirunika Premachandra, who contested the Colombo district but lost.

President Dissanayake together with Ministers Vijitha Herath and Bimal Ratnayake at a high-level meeting with Chinese leaders

Upul Jayasuriya raised issue over the MoUs Premadasa signed with three partner parties, extending it to a discussion. It was Kabir Hashim, a onetime minister in the yahapalana government, who intervened. He declared, “I told Rauff (Hakeem) it was not done.” He was alluding to the SLMC leader’s decision to move court over the national list issue and urging the appointment of his party nominee. Hashim said he told Hakeem, “Our party has not given any approval. It is therefore wrong.”

Those remarks did not reflect well on Premadasa as a leader. On the one hand, he has neglected apparatus within his own party from functioning. In other words, democracy has not been at work in the SJB. On the other hand, deciding on his own on signing MoUs and making claims to the contrary, he demonstrated that he was running his party with little or no consultation with key office bearers and senior members. His father, Ranasinghe Premadasa, earned the sobriquet of running a “one man show” during his presidency. Here was a repeat. Making matters worse were allegations that he was permitting an “outsider” to make decisions on his behalf.

SJB-UNP talks

A more significant decision amidst discussion on the future of the party was to name a team for ‘unity’ talks with the United National Party (UNP). As is known, the SJB was set up on February 10, 2020, when a formidable group broke away from the UNP. Since then, there has been a lot of soul-searching by both sides. They contend that the votes polled by them together were more than what the National People’s Power received at the parliamentary elections. Hence, the two sides agree a merger is inevitable. However, whether such a possibility could be brought about remains highly doubtful for many reasons.

The Working Committee endorsed a previous decision by the SJB Management Committee to appoint a five-member team to conduct ‘unity’ talks with the UNP. Premadasa declared, “Mama eya golloa nam kerala thiyanney. Ayi ewa passey mang kiyannam. (I have already named them. I will reveal those names later).” He took the opportunity to make some observations about matters in retrospect. He said he did not want to break up the UNP. His father, he pointed out, had laid down his life for the party. President Ranasinghe Premadasa was killed with 22 others by a Tiger guerrilla suicide bomber during a May Day procession in Colombo in 1993. He blamed Ranil Wickremesinghe, the UNP leader, for the breakup, saying he did not like their nominee for the post of Secretary of the party. “We did not willingly go out,” he claimed.

SJB General Secretary Ranjith Madduma Bandara told the Sunday Times, “The Working Committee on Thursday endorsed the Management Committee’s decision to resume talks with the UNP towards reunification.” The names will be publicised soon. They will meet a counterpart team from the UNP, he added.

The newly appointed UNP General Secretary Thalatha Athukorale told the Sunday Times, “We are awaiting a formal communication from the SJB. Immediately thereafter, we will name our team and resume discussions. Our leader, Ranil Wickremesinghe, has already given us his okay to go ahead with efforts to reunite. The first step is the dialogue we will undertake.” The SJB leader is expected to write to the UNP, informing them of the formation of the negotiating team and the party’s willingness to conduct unity talks.

Significant enough, no Working Committee member opposed a reunification between the SJB and the UNP. However, speakers raised two important issues. The first was a warning to their own negotiating team to be conscious of UNP leader Wickremesinghe. They alleged that he had “destroyed” many political parties and hence the SJB, which has 40 members in Parliament, should not fall victim to his ‘political machinations.’ Another paid a left-handed compliment by saying that “Wickremesinghe can see even what is inside the earth. So one must be careful.” The other is a request that the SJB should ensure they do not negotiate with a counterpart team made up of those who have lost their political standing and were disliked by the public. The move appears to be particularly against two UNP top rungers.  If such names were to be offered by the UNP, they have said, the party should appeal for their replacement. Until that is carried out, no talks should take place, they said.

The reunification talks are no easy task for both the SJB and the UNP. The first issue both must overcome is modalities for the discussions. On both sides of the divide, though not publicly expressed, there is a feeling that their respective leadership should step down. Such a proposition will not materialise. Neither Ranil Wickremesinghe nor Sajith Premadasa will do that. Even in the highly unlikely assumption that they would, there are no proven second-tier contenders who could take over the leadership. This simply means talks between the two sides will be on the basis that the two leaders remain in position. Here again, the question arises as to who supersedes or whether they would have a joint tier of leadership. That issue would have to be resolved first.

Logically, another matter that would have to be addressed is whether the proposed tie-up is a short- or a long-term one. If it is the latter, what is the constitution that would govern such a reunified party? At present, the UNP constitution is heavily weighted in favour of its leader. He appoints the party’s General Secretary and members to other bodies. Will the SJB agree to such a structure? Thus, it is increasingly clear that the move at reunification is a compelling factor necessitated by the current political scenario and not out of a necessity from one side or both. Triggering a timeline over the matter is the impending local council elections and the provincial council elections. The two sides together, it is pointed out, could more effectively challenge the National People’s Power (NPP).

Earlier on Thursday, the SJB Management Committee met to discuss the future selection of candidates. The original proposal has been to only re-nominate candidates who have received more than 40 percent of the preference votes in an electorate assigned to them. There were suggestions to bring down the requirement to 30 percent. Leader Premadasa proposed that the benchmark should be a quarter of the preference votes polled. The party also met on Friday evening to discuss a set of 12 proposals for party reforms forwarded by SJB Chairman Imtiaz Bakeer Markar. As reported in these columns earlier, Bakeer Markar has been critical of what he called ‘parachutists’ receiving postings as MPs on the SJB national list. The Management Committee discussed at length his proposal for a party team to discuss their future strategies.

President’s China visit

Among the other key events of the week is the visit of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to China. The highlight of the visit was an announcement by the Beijing government that their state-owned Sinopec will invest US$3.7 billion in a refinery in Hambantota. It has been described as the biggest investment in Sri Lanka. What they failed to mention was the fact that Beijing had declared in 2023 that they had approved US$ 4.5 billion for a refinery in Hambantota. This is how the Reuters news agency reported the matter then:

“COLOMBO, Nov 27, 2023 (Reuters) – Sri Lanka on Monday approved a proposal by China’s Sinopec to build a $4.5 billion refinery, its energy minister said, making it the largest single investment in the island nation since a crippling economic crisis last year.

“The cabinet approval cleared the state-owned refinery to finalise project details and sign an agreement with the government before it starts building the export-oriented refinery at Hambantota in the south of the country.

“Cabinet approval was granted today to award the contract to China Petroleum & Chemical Corporation (SINOPEC) of China,” Minister Kanchana Wijesekera wrote on social media platform X.”

“China is Sri Lanka’s biggest bilateral lender, and its companies have built highways, sea and airports and other infrastructure projects on the island off India’s southern coast.

“For Sinopec, the world’s top refiner by capacity and one of the largest petrochemicals producers, the investment would mark a breakthrough in a long effort to expand beyond China’s borders. The company also owns refinery assets in Saudi Arabia and petrochemicals production in Russia.”

The question that begs answer with the latest development is the substantial shortfall in Chinese assistance. It has also not been explained by Beijing. If the latest commitment to Sri Lanka, described as the biggest investment, is US$ 3.7 billion, what was given earlier, as evident under President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s administration, is US$ 4.5 billion. Noticeably, there is a US$ 800 million shortfall. There has been no explanation from the Chinese government on how this came about. Not even the single Sri Lankan government official tasked to report on President Dissanayake’s visit to all media in Sri Lanka, perhaps due to inexperience, has been able to explain. His main reportage, other than forwarding photographs to Colombo, has been only a set of SMS. He was also performing the role of a commentator and interviewer. It is highlighted here to show how Sri Lankans heard and saw their President on what was publicised as an important visit to China.

A government official said that media was not accompanied because they want to cut costs and keep expenses to the bare minimum. When told that previous administrations had done so, he replied, “We want to be different.” A former parliamentarian and onetime secretary to the Mass Media Ministry, Charitha Herath, told the Sunday Times, “Trying to be different in matters like this is laughable. They cannot say they want to be different and hold cabinet meetings at the Galle Face Green. He (the President) is no longer Anura sahodaraya (brother). He is our president. People want to know what he is doing when he visits another country, what he wears, and how he presents himself. All this matters. That gives us a sense of pride as Sri Lankans if they are done correctly. They must get out of this so-called proletarian mindset when it comes to issues that concern the nation and its leader. We cannot be a laughingstock.”

Rice crisis and media issues

The government has also been hit by its inability to make available Nadu and red rice to consumers. One of the main reasons for the situation has been the bad handling. Efforts by both state agencies and the private sector to ensure sufficient stocks are available in the market during the Christmas and New Year seasons were not successful. The government is now mulling a raise under the Guaranteed Price Scheme to cultivators and, at the same time, increasing the maximum retail price of rice in the market. A bigger responsibility would be to ensure that sufficient stocks are available during the Avurudu season in April.

Another unprecedented development is the pressure that is being brought on the media through unorthodox methods by the NPP government. First, a news report in the Daily News of January 17 headlined ‘SPC CHAIRMAN FILES COMPLAINT WITH CID OVER ‘FALSE AND BASELESS ALLEGATIONS MADE AGAINST HEALTH MINISTRY.’ The report states, “The State Pharmaceuticals Corporation (SPC) Chairman has filed a complaint with the CID calling for a full-scale investigation into false and baseless allegations made against the Health Ministry, its institutions, and officials.

“Speaking to the media after filing the complaint, SPC Chairman Dr. Manuj C. Weerasinghe said that the complaint was filed with the CID on Wednesday (15), stating that the constant and relentless false accusations made by the media in recent weeks have been targeted on the drug supply network that is managed by the SPC and healthcare service officials coming under the Health Ministry.

“The SPC Chairman stated that these continuous false claims made by the media against the healthcare services and its officials have disrupted decision-making and operations within the healthcare sector.

“Dr. Weerasinghe has also raised concerns, stating that it is suspected that the allegations and accusations made by the media could be part of an effort to destabilise public healthcare services and therefore called for a full-scale investigation by the CID into the complaint he has filed.”

The consequence of a complaint to the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) is a full investigation of the media and those responsible for reporting on the healthcare sector. One is not sure whether the complaint, before it was made, received the approval or not of Media and Health Services Minister Dr. Nalinda Indatissa. Either way, it is a very serious matter and appears to be an insidious exercise to silence the media from reporting matters that are perceived as unfriendly inconvenient to those concerned. If Dr. Weerasinghe has been quoted correctly, he alleges, “False claims made by the media against the healthcare services and its officials have disrupted decision-making and operations…” He has taken it upon himself to speak for the entire health sector’s decision-making process and operations. Is he saying it on his own, or is he parroting them on behalf of a higher authority? The answer seems too obvious.

Firstly, if there are erroneous or misleading reports in the media, as is the practice, those in the healthcare sector could easily point it out to the media through a statement. If their complaints fall on deaf ears, they could deal with the media through the laws of the land. They could also complain to the state-backed Sri Lanka Press Council or even the Press Complaints Commission. The latter has mechanisms to ensure wrong reports are corrected. Besides these, they could also issue a formal statement to all media.

Why then is this unprecedented move? Dr. Weerasinghe has forgotten, or for that matter conveniently overlooked, that the healthcare sector has been one area where there has been bribery, corruption, and gross abuses. It is the media that has been exposing them. So much so that even a one-time cabinet minister has come under investigation for the reckless way he abused the healthcare system to allegedly make money. It is no secret that there were officials in the healthcare sector who were allegedly hand in glove with the minister. I say allegedly since there is a court case pending. Sad enough, some ministers and bureaucrats in the NPP government seem to believe they could silence the media by complaining to the CID.

Ironic enough, not so long ago, a top politician in the NPP government complained that there was a conspiracy when the Sunday Times reported that the politician was an hour late for a formal official function. To make matters worse, instead of referring to the host, a reference was made to a rival country. The only ‘conspiracy’ lay on the politico’s shoulders. Then, it was a ‘conspiracy’. Now, the charge is about “destabilising” the healthcare sector. The minister responsible has to say whether this insidious exercise had his approval or not. Media exposures are obviously hurting, and some of the more enabled bureaucrats think a CID investigation is the answer. They are destroying the very values the NPP leaders spoke of during the presidential and parliamentary elections. To say the least, it is an affront to President Anura Kumara Dissanayake.

The advantage to the NPP government is the crisis that has befallen the Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) and its inability to actively play the role of the opposition. The disadvantage to Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) government will come when more of its chairpersons seek recourse to the CID and thus cast aside with contempt the democratic traditions that have prevailed for decades. Governance has descended to such levels. Blaming it on the media is bound to boomerang.